Dissenting on the Mandela Myth

What are people celebrating about the ‘New South Africa’ Mandela and the ANC have wrought, exactly?

That one in five whites left the country due to crime and the state of the economy? Half a million Europeans immigrated to South Africa in the 50s and 60s.

That about 10% of Boer farmers have been murdered, while 90% of land seized so far by the state the government admits is unproductive?

Unemployment is twice as high in South Africa as it was at the end of apartheid. Black life expectancy has actually fallen. The Johannesberg Stock Exchange, once the tenth largest in the world, has actually left the Central Business District for the safer suburb of Sandtown. The country’s main synagogue once sat proudly in the centre of Johannesberg. Now its in a gated suburb for safety.

White South Africa had its problems, but widespread misconceptions about it, spread with the help of communist regimes and left-wing activists, led to a takeover by the brutal ANC who are running the country into the ground and making life worse for blacks and whites.

While it was not an ideal situation for blacks back in the day, things were getting better gradually, and the National Party’s relatively conservative economic policies led to increased economic growth and standards of living for everybody. For instance, blacks in apartheid South Africa owned more private cars than the entire population of the USSR at the time.

The black school population grew by 250 percent in the first twenty-five years of apartheid. The black share of total personal income nearly doubled in twenty years, from twenty percent in the mid-1970s to thirty seven percent in 1995, while that of whites declined from seventy one to forty nine percent.

It also saved South Africa from the communist menace. If the ANC had come to power in the 1960s, Zimbabwe today would look enviable from the other side.

The gains were wrecked as a result of the revolutionary democratic-utopian fervour. Evolution, not revolution, was the way to black empowerment. The vote doesn’t mean much if you have no job and can’t get about your business safely.

Today, interest groups in South Africa are fighting viciously and desperately for a bigger slice of a constantly shrinking pie. This is what leads to tragic events such as the killings at the Lonmin mine strike.

The ANC has done in South Africa what Mrs. Thatcher said the socialists are always happy to do: make the poor even poorer, provided the rich get less rich.

If conservatives and libertarians are too afraid to address these things head on, we will always lose.


South African police gun down more than 30 attacking miners

I’ll wager this isn’t going to attract the kind of universal scorn seen after Sharpeville, 1960. There will likely be no international outcry over this or any of the crimes committed by the regime of the ANC  – the crooked swine running a once-wonderful country into the ground.

At moments like this, I take time to appreciate some of the brave, principled critics of the new South Africa. One that particularly comes to mind is the former blogger ‘Uhuru Guru’, who has had to start a new life here in London with his wife and two young girls. Their home was raided by ANC ‘police’ thugs on trivial charges. His colleague, a lawyer, who used to run the excellent ‘South Africa Sucks’ blog with him, was found dead in the toilet of a police station. Self-inflicted gunshot wound, apparently. Sadly he is no longer blogging.

I am not under any illusions about the circumstances the police faced confronting the strikers. They were armed and dangerous fanatics, using machetes and even using tear gas. This is not uncommon at South African strikes and demonstrations, and its something the police should have been well prepared for. Its very hard to defend a reaction that left dozens dead from volley-style automatic rifle fire. After all, the police at Sharpeville were certainly thinking of their nine comrades hacked to death and mutilated at Cato Manor not long before.

At least the old SAPS was a competent force that successfully kept the twin scourges of crime and communism at bay. The quality of the police service in South Africa has so declined that today serious crimes, even murders, are often not responded to for days – if at all. The ANC has disbanded the elite, highly-regarded anti-corruption squad known as ‘the Scorpions’, to spare itself and the world from hearing the uncomfortable truths.

Remember that more people are murdered in one week under the ANC’s watch than died under the detention of the Afrikaner government over the course of roughly four decades. Remember that this is the country still held up as an ideal model for the rest of the world to follow, from justices of the US Supreme Court to the idiots of the Palestine Solidarity movement. Always remember that scenes of murder and chaos like the ones above are the real face of the regime of the ANC.

No Matter What, They’ll Call You A Racist

I have a lot of respect for Helen Zille. She leads South Africa’s official opposition to the criminal gang known as the ANC, the creeps currently strangling her country to death. While the opposition is somewhat tokenistic, it is able to conduct itself with honour. Zille’s party, Democratic Alliance, holds sway in the Western Cape, the only province out of nine in the country not ruled by the ANC.

And surprise, surprise: the Western Cape is the only province doing well for itself . It has a semblance of order, the rule of law, economic growth and good governance. The province is home to the city of Cape Town. During Zille’s time as mayor of that city, crime fell by 90%, the deficit fell by nearly R1 billion, services improved, and Zille proclaimed, rightly, that “the ANC is pro-poverty, not pro-poor”.

The Western Cape has been a beacon of hope for many South Africans and even many others outside the country. Families from the Eastern Cape have flocked there to place their children in its superior schools, which has caused an acute crowding problem. This is utterly embarrassing for the ANC. Zille has referred to those migrating to the DA-run haven as “refugees”. The ANC has raised hell over her comments. Of course, the only argument they could muster was to call her a racist. Which seems to be the only argument the ANC and its foreign apologists are able to wield these days. Jacob Zuma himself even refuses to debate Zille on the most pressing issues of the day on television, because he knows he will be humiliated, and have to resort to calling her a racist. Have a read of this enlightening report:

Johannesburg – The ANC on Wednesday bemoaned opposition leader Helen Zille’s comment in which she referred to Eastern Cape pupils who flocked to the Western Cape for a better education as refugees.

“The ANC is vindicated by the statement made by Helen Zille,” said African National Congress spokesman Jackson Mthembu.

“This is typical of the erstwhile apartheid government’s mentality that resorted to influx control measures to restrict black people from the so-called white areas.”

Mthembu said the statement was “racist” and must not must not be tolerated.

The DA leader sparked a war on social networking site Twitter on Tuesday as many users were angered by her use of the word “refugee”.

However, Zille remained firm and defended herself throughout the day.

Her statement was in reference to a protest in Grabouw over overcrowding at a local school.

The DA shifted the blame to the department of public works’ continuous delays in approving alternative land to build additional school buildings in the area.

“Zille’s racist statement underpins the DA’s policy of exclusionism of blacks,” said Mthembu.

“She will never say the same thing about whites who relocate from one area of the country to the Western Cape or even those who relocate from other countries to the Western Cape.

“To reduce South Africans who have free movement in their own country as refugees is tantamount to instigating against them by labelling them with a tag associated with foreigners,” Mthembu said.

Asked by a Twitter user on Tuesday to define a refugee, Zille responded: “Refugees are ppl who have to escape because their rights are violated. That describes E Cape pupils exactly.”

Mthembu said the DA viewed blacks as useful voters to win elections and nothing else.

“We call on all black DA members to see the DA for what it is, a white racist party,” he said.

“We also call on all those blacks who are in leadership structures of the DA for window dressing purposes to resign from the DA and not be used unduly.”

That Zille was a former anti-apartheid and pro-democracy activist who exposed the Nationalist government’s murder of black youth leader Steve Biko in the 1970s means nothing. She shows up the ANC. She must be a racist.

The relative success in the Western Cape province proves that South Africa can indeed be prosperous, and that it can work properly. It just needs more Locke and less Lenin, more Israel and less Palestine, more economic growth and less anti-racism and environmentalist conferences*.

I live and hope.

A sobering survey from the Rainbow Nation, the one that was more diverse under apartheid.

* This might just be the slogan of my dream political movement.

Saving Sierra Leone

I can’t help but notice that the United Nations and its defenders have been desperately trying to improve the organisation’s awful reputation by portraying themselves as the saviors of Sierra Leone. This is  in the wake of the recent conviction of Charles Taylor.

Few heroes emerge from a war such as the one waged by Foday Sankoh’s Revolutionary United Front and their friend Charles Taylor against innocent men, women and children in this corner of West Africa. But there are some, and they are most certainly not Kofi Annan and the men in the blue berets.

In March of 1995, when Sankoh’s rebellion was at its height, 200 South Africans with the fortitude typical of Boer warriors secured the diamond fields of Sierra Leone, that bought Charles Taylor’s support for RUF. The RUF scattered with remarkable speed in the face of real soldiers. Relative peace came upon Freetown for the first time in years; peace which enabled a civilian government to be elected in 1996. The South Africans were from the private military company Executive Outcomes.

The UN, no fan of white South Africans or free enterprise, didn’t like this one bit. The organisation put pressure on Sierra Leone to expel Executive Outcomes and threatened her with the loss of international aid. UN forces were eventually dispatched to replace the South African PMC.

The episode makes the UN’s silence in the face of the Rwandan Genocide shortly before all the more astonishing. It seems that if the genocide was to stop in this part of Africa, the credit had to go to some enlightened racially diverse UN bureaucrats, certainly not Boer mercenaries.

The UN forces, placed in Sierra Leone as part of a United Nations PR exercise, completely lost control of the situation. Tens of thousands died in the resumed RUF/Taylor rebellion.

And it was all the UN’s fault.

Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa

No White Male Appointments For The Rest Of The Fiscal Year – Memo from Human Resources Dept. of Eskom, supplier of most of South Africa’s electricity.

There is a very interesting moment in journalist Kevin Richburg’s “Out of America: A Black Man Confronts Africa“. Richburg, who was was the Washington Post’s African bureau chief from 1991 to 1994, filed a report from the scene of a tribal-motivated killing. It was shortly before South Africa’s fist democratic elections, and the Xhosa and Zulu were embroiled in pre-election violence and intimidation. Twelve people had been shot to death. Richburg had described Africa as a continent where “black bodies are stacked up like firewood”. This was a small massacre, and a non-story by African standards, he thought. So imagine his surprise when “the police, mostly officious looking white officers with ruddy complexions –  came and did what you might expect police to do in any Midwestern American city where crime has occurred. They cordoned off the area with police tape. They marked the spots on the ground where the victims had fallen”. A full investigation was promised to the press.

Such a civilised routine was utterly out of place on the continent where blood can flow like water, where massacres go undocumented, and where charging a man with murder is like “handing out speeding tickets at the Indy 500”. The quaint practices of Afrikaner rule were shocking to western liberals like Richburg. He had taken for granted that the apartheid regime was an evil like no other. The civilised norms of Apartheid South Africa are still out of place on the African continent. Most unfortunately, these practices are now out of place in the South Africa of the ANC. The quality of the South African Police Service, SAPS, has so declined that serious crimes, even murders, are often not responded to for days, or not at all. The ANC has faced up to the serious law-enforcement challenges in their country by disbanding the elite, highly-regarded anti-corruption squad known as ‘the Scorpions’, to spare itself hearing some uncomfortable truths.

Ilana Mercer’s most recent book could be described as a tidal wave of uncomfortable truths for comfortable planners and pundits in the developed world, a place South Africa was once a part of. Mercer, the daughter of anti-apartheid activist Rabbi Ben Isaacson, seems to slaughter every sacred cow of discourse on South Africa. She’s blunt in informing the reader that during the decades of apartheid, a few hundred Africans perished due to police brutality. The ‘freedom fighters’ during apartheid ‘necklaced’ over four hundred innocent civilians, and murdered many more, often singling out Zulus. More people are murdered in one week under the ANC’s watch than died under the detention of the Afrikaner government over the course of roughly four decades. The infamous Sharpeville massacre was indeed an awful event, where panic-stricken policemen shot and killed 69 black demonstrators. Yet in democratic South Africa, that is often the daily quota of carnage. Under apartheid, the annual number of murders on average reached 7,036. Under the ANC, its gone up to 24,206. Its hardly surprising that there has arisen a kind of apartheid nostalgia, even among many blacks in South Africa. Having a democratic and egalitarian constitution doesn’t seem like such a fantastic result of years of struggle if you can’t go to work safely, unemployment is twice as high as it used to be, and your life expectancy has gone down by several years.

A truly wonderful aspect of the book is Ilana’s sympathetic history of the Afrikaner people and her respect for their social habits and devout religious outlook, despite being an irreligious woman herself. It makes one want to proclaim: “Ik ben een Afrikaander”! when you read of the heroic exploits of the voortrekkers, those Afrikaners who left the British controlled territory by the coast and sought freedom in what would become Natal, Transvaal and the Orange Free State. The parallels between these people and the American colonists are striking. The poor Afrikaners! They never did gain the status of Designated Victim Group.  Afrikaners are a minority that happens to have led an early anti-colonial struggle against the British Empire while being imprisoned en masse in concentration camps. We’ve all seen the pictures of the emaciated Afrikaner victims from that time, and we all know what it brings to mind. Its truly a tragedy that the Afrikaners are vilified purely for living in Africa, which they have inhabited for as long as British stock has been in North America. In fact, the Bantu people, who include Mandela’s tribe, the Xhosa, migrated southwards from outside today’s South Africa around the same time as the Trekboers were journeying inland from the coast, including the eleven-year old Paul Kruger. Its funny to think Eugene Terre’blanche’s ancestors were probably in South Africa before Nelson Mandela’s.

Ah, that sainted shyster Nelson Mandela, the man with more dubious humanitarian awards than Bono can ever hope for (including Qaddafi’s human rights prize). Alright, I’ll say it: its a good thing he was imprisoned for so long. If Mandela  and his ilk had come to power in the 1960s and implemented their full-blown socialist program, Zimbabwe today might look enviable from the other side. Interestingly, the moonbat Naomi Klein has criticised the ANC for softening the program they had in the ’60s. I hate the ANC with a passion, but Ilana Mercer was amazingly able to make me even angrier at them. Not only is crime, unemployment and corruption far worse than pre-1994, the place isn’t even much of a democracy as we like to think of the concept here. The ANC runs South Africa like its a one-party state. Demographics dictate it will never lose power to its tokenistic opposition. The ANC political machine makes Tammany Hall look like kindergarten. Since 1994, over 95% of people vote along racial lines. This is not much of an improvement over apartheid, which I can assure you I believe is a rotten system. Now what we have is tyranny of the majority, rather than a minority. In most ways, the former is worse.

Mercer’s book is billed as a warning to America, a warning against the kind of wealth redistribution along racial lines that has so spectacularly damaged South Africa. I believe she is being over-alarmist in her comparisons, given how different the American demographic situation is to South Africa. Yet her warnings on politically-dictated egalitarianism in American institutions ring true, especially in light of Professor Steven Farron’s hard-hitting work exposing the disaster of affirmative action in the United States. Mass power failures are now a common occurrence in South Africa, something unheard of under Afrikaner rule. While the New York Times will claim “the country’s power company [Eskom] unfathomably ran out of electricity and rationed supply”, its very clear what’s really going on if you care little for political correctness: skilled engineers have been purged due to the Black Economic Empowerment. If Eskom wants to purchase coal, it has to procure it from black sources if even remotely possible. South Africa has recently become a net importer of food for the first time. While land redistribution has not been as severe as in Zimbabwe, Boer farmers are highly vulnerable in the face of squatters who have the affections of the black authorities. Not to mention the fact they are being murdered at genocide levels: around 10% of their numbers have been slain, often in brutal farm attacks that involve torture and rape. Boers are being murdered at four times the rate of the rest of the population (South Africa’s Indian community also suffers disproportionately). The ANC is punishing the Boers further, by stepping up the rate of farm redistribution. Their quota for 2014 is highly ambitious, despite the fact some in the ANC admit over 90% of legally plundered white farmland is now unproductive. Lets not make the same mistakes South Africa did, even if on a much smaller scale. A small upside, should such policies continue, is that the ANC may end up with a country and reputation so broken that they just might earn the pariah status of Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF. It took a long time for the West to wake up to what was going on in Zimbabwe. Mugabe’s slaughter of 20,000 people of a rival tribe during the early years of his rule in the 1980s was completely ignored. Indeed, he had resolute defenders in the Western left up until very recently. Yet I shudder to think what fate could befall the remaining Afrikaners should they be bled of their resources until they are beyond use to the regime.

Ilana Mercer faced rejection from all major publishers. Its not surprising that a book against majoritarianism faced such hostility. In many ways, the book is about the failure of democracy, an makes an ideal follow-up case study to Hans Herman Hoppe’s Democracy: The God That Failed. I don’t think I can praise a book higher than that. I can only imagine the difficulty of Ilana’s task. Recently I approached an employee in the South African embassy here in London. I asked him about the farm murders, the corruption, the crime. He replied that “there are people in the media and the universities” that “handle those matters” for them. In other words, they have the Guardians of Acceptable Opinion to suppress debate on the ‘Rainbow Nation’ (which is now less diverse than it was under apartheid). Mercer notes that anti-racism think-tanks, such as the South African Institute of Race Relations, engage in serial abuse of statistics to serve the interests of the ANC, particularly by refusing to accurately report the appalling level of sectarian murders of whites and Indians in the country. Their estimates of the number of the number of murdered white farmers is one-third of what other sources report. Until 2010, SAIRR refused to acknowledge the slayings were part of anything but normal criminal banditry, as opposed to being racially motivated. The media and academia forgot all about South Africa after Mandela came to power. Its time for debate, after which I hope most will acknowledge that South Africa is not a positive example for the rest of the world.

I would like to finish with a little note the publisher included at the beginning of Into the Cannibal’s Pot:

This is a book about ideas and ideology. When losing an intellectual argument, there are despicable people who point an accusing finger and shout racism. In our dark times where mob rule and collectivist ideas resonate with so many, this appalling strategy can be very effective.

To those who support colorblind civil discourse, rule of law, equality of opportunity, freedom, the golden rule (do unto others as you wish them to do unto you) liberty, freedom of expression and religion and private property rights… regardless of skin color or ethnic background (black, red, white, yellow, brown, green or violet) we extend the hand of friendship

To those who support all forms of thuggery – including totalitarianism, collectivism, fascism, extremist fundamentalism, unequal treatment under law, income redistribution, nanny state government programs and the soft bigotry of low expectations – your skin color and ethnicity are irrelevant… and your ideas belong in the dustbin of history.

Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa [Hardback] [Kindle Edition]

Eugene Terre’Blanche

Its been over a year since the leader of the Afrikaner Resistance Movement, which seeks independence for the Afrikaners of South Africa, was murdered in a particularly brutal manner on his farm during the Easter period. The precise date was April 3rd, and I had planned to write something on it then. However, Freedom Forum 2011, a gathering of young libertarians from across the UK was taking place in Birmingham at the time and it slipped my mind. I was delighted to attend this wonderful event, and may the Forum go from strength to strength!

Back on topic, however: It seems that the news media to this day insists Terre’Blanche was killed in some kind of labour dispute with his farmhands. This is a lie. Eugene Terre’Blanche was a victim of a farm murder – a gruesome aspect of the War on White South Africa, happening with the help of a government that runs the ‘New South Africa’ as an effective one-party state. This ‘Rainbow Nation’ is a place where dissident bloggers are found dead in the toilets of police stations, and where the regime has passed media censorship laws far harsher than anything seen under the Apartheid system. Whatever you think of Terre’Blanche, Mandela or the ANC, certain facts have to be recognised and serious problems tackled head on. Problems which many people in the media and academia all over the world don’t want to acknowledge.

Before Eugene Terre’Blanche’s death, 3149 white farmers had been murdered in a strikingly similar manner: more often than not, the target’s corpse is mutilated beyond recognition, with the victim  being humiliated and some  body parts frequently being used as a form of ‘trophy’. Two weeks before Terre’Blanche became the target of barbaric hooligans, a seventeen year old girl, Anika Smit, was raped, had her throat slashed (sixteen times) and her hands removed, presumably to be kept as mementos. Terre’Blanche appeared to have been sexually molested also, with his trousers removed by the killers to display his genitals. Crimen injuria (the dehumanization of the victim) is a noticeable feature of South African criminal law. Terre’Blanche was clearly murdered for the same reason as Anika Smit and thousands of others.

Afrikaner farmers effectively feed the Continent. They do this despite a constant campaign of genocide being waged against them. The annual casualty rate for a white South African farmer is 313 per 100,000 – four times the rate for the rest of the population, according to Dr. Gregory H. Stanton, who runs ‘Genocide Watch‘. This makes their job the most dangerous on earth. Miners in Third World countries suffer something like 278 casualties per 100,000.

We must not forget the tragedy of the Afrikaner people and their highly vulnerable position. People like the Boers, the first victim of ‘concentration camps’ have certainly suffered enough at the hands of the British. The fact that the current aggressors are the darlings of the Human Rights Industry on our soil makes it all the worse to bear.

Survivor of an attempted ‘farm murder’

Peaceful demonstration against the mass killings in Pretoria. We owe these civilised people some support

See also: Into the Cannibal’s Pot